{"id":4960,"date":"2016-01-27T12:25:10","date_gmt":"2016-01-27T04:25:10","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/limguaneng.com\/?p=4960"},"modified":"2016-01-27T12:25:10","modified_gmt":"2016-01-27T04:25:10","slug":"tppa-ada-baik-buruknya-tetapi-selagi-bn-tidak-dapat-tunaikan-janji-bahawa-gst-akan-bawa-kebaikan-dengan-menurunkan-kadar-harga-barangan-macam-mana-30-juta-rakyat-malaysia-boleh-diyakinkan-bahawa-tpp","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/limguaneng.com\/index.php\/2016\/01\/27\/tppa-ada-baik-buruknya-tetapi-selagi-bn-tidak-dapat-tunaikan-janji-bahawa-gst-akan-bawa-kebaikan-dengan-menurunkan-kadar-harga-barangan-macam-mana-30-juta-rakyat-malaysia-boleh-diyakinkan-bahawa-tpp\/","title":{"rendered":"TPPA Ada Baik Buruknya, Tetapi Selagi BN Tidak Dapat Tunaikan Janji Bahawa GST Akan Bawa Kebaikan Dengan Menurunkan Kadar Harga Barangan, Macam Mana 30 Juta Rakyat Malaysia Boleh Diyakinkan Bahawa TPPA Menguntungkan Mereka?(m\/e\/c)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Ucapan Setiausaha-Agung DAP Dan Ahli Parlimen Bagan Lim Guan Eng dalam perbahasan khas sidang parlimen untuk Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement(TPPA) Pada 26 Januari 2016.<\/p>\n<p>1.\tTerlebih dahulu, saya mahu mengambil kesempatan ini untuk mengucapkan terima kasih dan tahniah kepada Menteri Perdagangan Antarabangsa dan Industria, YB Jeli untuk mengaturkan persidangan khas Parlimen untuk perbahasan tentang penyertaan Malaysia dalam Perjanjian Perkongsian Trans Pacific ataupun \u2018Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement\u201d (TPPA). Walaupun perjanjian ini tidak perlu mendapatkan kelulusan melalui parlimen Malaysia, YB Menteri telah membuat keputusan untuk mengadakan sidang khas pada hari ini dan esok, seperti yang dijanjikan pada tahun lepas, supaya rakyat boleh diberikan peluang untuk mendengar pandangan dan juga kritikan terhadap TPPA daripada perspektif-perspektif yang berlainan sama ada di sebelah pihak pembangkang ataupun di sebelah pihak Barisan Nasional.<br \/>\n<!--more--><\/p>\n<p>2.\tPada masa yang sama, saya juga mengalu-alukan langkah yang diambil oleh Menteri dan Kementerian beliau untuk menganjurkan sesi taklimat terperinci kepada semua ahli parlimen dalam sesi yang sama untuk memberi penjelasan yang lebih lanjut tentang butiran TPPA terutamanya yang berkenaan dengan isu hangat seperti harga ubat, harta intelek dan perolehan kerajaan. Walaupun bukan semua jawapan dan penjelasan yang diberikan oleh pihak Kementerian diterima oleh ahli parlimen yang menghadiri sesi ini, saya berpendapat bahawa langkah seperti ini patut diekori oleh Menteri dan Kementerian yang lain, terutamanya, apabila dasar yang berimpak besar dibentangkan. Alangkah baik sekiranya BN boleh juga membenarkan persidangan khas Dewan Undangan Negeri Kedah untuk membahaskan usul undi tak percaya kepada Menteri Besar Kedah agar menghormati peruntukan dalam Perlembagaan Negeri yang memberikan ADUN kuasa untuk memilih Menteri Besar dan bukan ditentukan oleh hulubalang-hulubalang tertentu dalam UMNO.<\/p>\n<p>3.\tDalam membuat keputusan untuk menyokong ataupun menolak mana-mana dasar kerajaan, kita sebagai ahli parlimen patut menilai dasar itu secara objektif dan rasional. Kita tidak sepatutnya menolak mana-mana dasar atas sebab yang tidak munasabah ataupun tidak berasas. Sebagai satu contoh, kita tidak sepatutnya menolak TPPA oleh kerana kebimbangan bahawa negara kita akan didominasi oleh Amerika Syarikat. Pada hakikatnya, apa yang diperlukan ialah untuk memperkukuhkan hubungan perdagangan negara kita dengan semua negara dagangan utama kita. Ada setengah daripada negara ini yang terlibat dalam TPPA termasuk Singapura (no. 1 dari segi pasaran eksport), Amerika Syarikat (no. 3), Jepun (no. 4) dan Australia (no.9). Ada setengah negara yang tidak terlibat dalam TPPA seperti China (no. 2) dan India (no. 7) tetapi termasuk dalam perbincangan Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).<\/p>\n<p>4.\tKita juga tidak patut mengeluarkan kenyataan bahawa ada pihak yang sokong atau tolak TPPA atas kepentingan satu kaum atau satu puak sahaja. Ini adalah tuduhan fitnah jahat yang tidak berasas dan patut ditolak sama sekali.<\/p>\n<p>5.\tApa yang diperlukan sekarang ialah penilaian secara objektif tentang kos dan faedah penyertaan Malaysia dalam TPPA, RCEP dan perjanjian perdagangan bebas ataupun FTA yang sedang dirundingkan oleh Malaysia.<\/p>\n<p>6.\tDalam konteks sebegini, saya hendak membangkitkan beberapa isu penting mengenai TPPA yang belum ditangani dengan sewajarnya oleh pihak kerajan persekutuan.<\/p>\n<p>7.\tIsu pertama yang saya hendak bangkitkan adalah impak TPPA terhadap industri kecil dan sederhana (IKS) ataupun small and medium enterprises (SMEs). <\/p>\n<p>8.\tWalaupun analisis kos-faedah yang dijalankan oleh PwC menunjukkan potensi kesan positif kepada sektor SME akibat daripada pembukaan pasaran baru, kemungkinan besar kesan positif ini akan dinikmati oleh SME yang sudah berorientasikan mengeksport barangan keluaran mereka. Untuk SME yang lebih kecil, kebanyakan daripada mereka tidak akan menikmati potensi kesan positif daripada TPPA tetapi kemungkinan besar akan mengalami kemerosotan perniagaan akibat daripada persaingan luar yang lebih besar.<\/p>\n<p>9.\tBerdasarkan kajian yang dijalankan oleh Penang Institut, syarikat kecil di Malaysia secara umumnya lebih kecil, mempunyai \u2018leverage\u2019 yang lebih rendah, diberikan nilai yang lebih rendah di pasaran saham (untuk mereka yang disenaraikan dalam pasaran saham) dan terlibat dalam industri yang boleh dikatakan kurang berkeuntungan. Boleh dikatakan bahawa syarikat-syarikat SME kecil ini kemungkinan besar kurang dapat bersaing serta mendapat manfaat daripada TPPA berbanding dengan GLC dan juga syarikat bukan GLC yang lebih besar.<\/p>\n<p>10.\tMenurut Michael Kang, Presiden Persatuan IKS Malaysia ataupun SME Association of Malaysia, 30 peratus daripada 195,000 perusahaan kecil dan sederhana di Malaysia &#8220;akan hilang&#8221; selepas TPPA diimplementasikan.  Setengah pihak pula sebut mungkin sampai 40% yang terjejas. Kebimbangan pengusaha SME adalah munasabah terutama di kalangan mereka yang tidak merupakan pengeksport terutamanya ke Amerika Syarikat, Kanada, Mexico dan Peru, iaitu empat pasaran yang akan dibuka akibat daripada perjanjian TPPA. Kerajaan tidak boleh menafikan bahawa masih terdapat \u2018kredibiliti gap\u2019 di antara kerajaan dan SME yang kecil. Saya beri satu contoh. Sebelum GST diperkenalkan pada bulan April tahun lalu, kerajaan melalui Jabatan Kastam memberi jaminan kepada SME dan peniaga-peniaga lain bahawa bayaran balik ataupun \u2018refund\u2019 daripada GST yang dikutip oleh mereka akan dipulangkan dalam masa 2 minggu. Tetapi sampai sekarang, saya difahamkan bahawa SME masih lagi menunggu berbulan-bulan sebelum \u2018refund\u2019 ini dipulangkan kepada mereka. Kesan negatif dari segi sekatan tunai ataupun \u2018cash flow\u2019 akan dirasakan lebih oleh SME kecil yang tidak mempunyai simpanan tunai yang besar.<\/p>\n<p>11.\tIsu pertama adalah kerajaan wajib memberikan bantuan kepada SME yang akan mengalami kesan yang buruk akibat daripada TPPA. Bantuan dari segi kewangan dan juga bantuan teknikal ataupun \u2018technical assistance\u2019 mesti diberikan kepada SME yang kecil untuk menyediakan mereka untuk persaingan akibat daripada TPPA. Tetapi buat masa sekarang, tidak ada apa-apa dasar yang konkrit seperti Tabung Mudah TPPA yang telah diumumkan oleh MITI ataupun mana-mana Kementerian lain untuk membantu SME menghadapi cabaran pesaingan akibat daripada TPPA. Jikalau kerajaan tidak ada sebarang langkah-langkah mitigasi ataupun \u2018mitigation measures\u2019 yang dirancang secara terperinci, khusus dan sistematik, bagaimana SME boleh mempercayai jaminan kerajaan bahawa TPPA ini akan membawa kesan positif kepada mereka? <\/p>\n<p>12.\tIsu kedua yang saya hendak bangkitkan ialah berkenaan dengan Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) yang melibatkan kerajaan negeri.  Walaupun pihak Kementerian telah memberi jaminan bahawa teks TPPA akan menghadkan tindakan undang-undang remeh ataupun \u2018frivolous lawsuits\u2019, tidak akan jaminan kukuh bahawa kes ISDS yang melibatkan kerajaan negeri tidak akan dibawakan ke tribunal antarabangsa. <\/p>\n<p>13.\tSaya rujuk kepada beberapa kes yang melibatkan kerajaan negeri di Kanada yang telah dibawa kepada Tribunal Antarabangsa melalui ISDS yang termaktub dalam Perjanjian NAFTA ataupun North American Free Trade Agreement.<\/p>\n<p>14.\tDengan izin, contoh yang pertama: \u201cChemical giant Dow AgroSciences used NAFTA to force the province of Quebec, after it banned 2,4-D, a pesticide that the Natural Resources Defence Council says has been linked in many studies to cancer and cell damage, to publicly acknowledge that the chemical does not pose an \u201cunacceptable risk\u201d to human health, a position the government had previously held.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>15.\tDengan izin, contoh yang kedua:\u201cMesa Power Group, an energy company owned by Texas billionaire T. Boone Pickens, is claiming $775 million (approximately \u20ac523 million) in a challenge to the province of Ontario\u2019s Green Energy Act, which gives preferential access to local wind farm operators.\u201d <\/p>\n<p>16.\tContoh-contoh seperti ini menunjukkan bahawa bukan sahaja kerajaan persekutuan yang boleh dibawakan ke Tribunal Antarabangsa tetapi kerajaan negeri pun boleh diheret ke Tribunal yang sama. Ini sangat membimbangkan kerana dana dan kepakaran kerajaan negeri memang terhad berbanding dengan kerajaan persekutuan. Dan kes-kes di Tribunal Antarabangsa memakan kos yang tinggi oleh kerana peguam yang mempunyai kepakaran dalam bidang ini adalah daripada syarikat peguam antarabangsa yang kebanyakannya berpusat di Amerika Syarikat dan mengenakan fi yang mahal. Sebagai satu contoh, kes yang melibatkan undang-undang terhadap pembungkusan kotak rokok di Australia, walaupun telah dimenangi oleh kerajaan Australia, memakan kos sebanyak AUS$50 juta. <\/p>\n<p>17.\tSebagai satu contoh, bolehkah kerajaan persekutuan memberi jaminan kepada kerajaan negeri Pahang bahawa ia tidak akan diheret ke Tribunal Antarabangsa oleh Lynas jikalau kerajaan negeri, melalui Majlis Perbandaran Kuantan, menghentikan lesen operasi Lynas di Gebeng akibat daripada pencemaran alam sekitar? Bolehkah kerajaan pusat memberi jaminan bahawa bantuan kewangan kepada kerajaan negeri tersebut untuk melawan kes di Tribunal Antarabangsa?<\/p>\n<p>18.\tAdakah benar Malaysia boleh menarik diri daripada TPPA tanpa membayar ganti rugi kepada syarikat-syarikat Amerika Syarikat yang melabur kerana Malaysia adalah \u201csignatory\u201d kepada TPPA? Saya harap YB Menteri boleh jawab berapakah banyak gantirugi yang harus dibayar?<\/p>\n<p>19.\tIsu ketiga ialah berkenaan dengan perolehan kerajaan dari segi ketelusan ataupun \u2018transparency\u2019. Salah satu kebaikan TPPA yang telah diumumkan oleh pihak Kementerian dan juga merupakan satu bab dalam Perjanjian TPPA ialah ketelusan dan anti-rasuah ataupun \u2018anti-corruption\u2019 terutamanya dalam perolehan kerajaan ataupun \u201cGovernment Procurement\u201d (GP).<\/p>\n<p>20.\tTetapi kerajaan Malaysia berjaya untuk meletakkan satu \u2018opt out\u2019 clause dalam bab perolehan kerajaan di mana projek di bawah Kerjasama Awam Swasta ataupun Public Private Partnerships (PPP) dikecualikan daripada persaingan terbuka. Ini bermakna bahawa kontrak perundingan terus ataupun \u2018direct negotiations\u2019 di bawah PPP akan diteruskan selepas perjanjian TPPA dikuatkuasakan. Telah terbukti bahawa PPP di bawah kerajaan Barisan Nasional telah digunakan oleh memberi keuntungan kepada kroni-kroni dan meningkatkan beban kepada rakyat jelata. Kontrak lumayan untuk membekalkan elektrik kepada Tenaga Nasional Berhad melalui Penjana Kuasa Bebas ataupun Independent Power Plants (IPPs); kontrak konsesi untuk membina dan menjalankan operasi tol lebuh raya yang kian menaikkan harga tol; kontrak membina dan beroperasi asrama di Institut Pengajian Tinggi Awam (IPTA) yang mengenakan kos yang tinggi ke atas mahasiswa; ini adalah sebahagian daripada PPP yang ditawarkan dengan kaedah yang tidak telus dan yang membawakan impak yang begitu negatif kepada ekonomi dan rakyat Malaysia. Kerajaan persekutuan telah melepaskan peluang emas untuk menggunakan Perjanjian TPPA sebagai proses memperbaiki sistem perolehan kerajaan dengan menghapuskan PPP. Ini adalah antara sebab utama kenapa kami di pihak pembangkang tidak boleh menyokong Perjanjian TPPA ini kerana membelakangkan prinsip akauntabiliti dan ketelusan.<\/p>\n<p>21.\tIsu penting yang lain seperti harga perubatan, harta intelek, alam sekitar dan hak buruh akan dibangkitkan oleh rakan-rakan saya sebelah sini dan saya harap, oleh kawan-kawan di pihak sebelah sana juga demi kepentingan rakyat Malaysia. Harga ubat adalah di antara isu kritikal DAP menolak TPPA kerana kebimbangan besar kenaikan harga bukan sahaja menyusahkan rakyat tetapi mungkin mengancam nyawa pesakit-pesakit. Apakah jaminan bahawa kes seperti Turing Pharmaceuticals yang menaikkan harga ubat Daraprim sebanyak 5000% daripada US13.50 ke US750 tidak berlaku bila Amerika Sayrikat sendiri tidak boleh menghalangnya.<\/p>\n<p>22.\tSaya tidak nafikan TPPA ada baiknya untuk negeri-negeri seperti Pulau Pinang dan Selangor. Tetapi saya berdiri sebagai pemimpin DAP untuk semua rakyat Malaysia. Macam mana kita boleh yakin bahawa langkah-langkah perlindungan untuk rakyat Malaysia dapat dilaksanakan bila janji GST tidak akan memudaratkan ekonomi dan menurunkan kos kehidupan rakyat merupakan omong-omong kosong. TPPA ada baik buruknya, tetapi selagi bn tidak dapat tunaikan janji bahawa GST akan bawa kebaikan dengan menurunkan kadar harga barangan, macam mana 30 juta rakyat malaysia boleh diyakinkan bahawa tppa menguntungkan mereka?Memandang bahawa isu-isu yang saya telah bangkitkan masih dijadi tanda tanya, kami di pihak DAP dan pihak Pakatan Harapan menolak Perjanjian TPPA dengan sebulat suara.<\/p>\n<p>LIM GUAN ENG<\/p>\n<p>&#8212;-English Version&#8212;-<\/p>\n<p>Speech by Lim Guan Eng for the special parliamentary session on the TPPA 26January2016<\/p>\n<p>1.\tFirstly, I would like thank and congratulate the Minister of International Trade and Industry, YB Jeli for arranging this special parliamentary session to debate the entry of Malaysia into the Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA). Although this agreement does not require parliamentary approval, the Minister decided to arrange for today and tomorrow\u2019s special session, fulfilling what was promised last year, so that the people can have an opportunity to listen to the viewpoints as well as criticisms of the TPPA from a variety of perspectives be it from this side of the bench among the opposition MPs or from the other side of the bench among the BN MPs.<\/p>\n<p>2.\tAt the same time, I welcome the Minister and the Ministry\u2019s decision to organize a comprehensive briefing session for all MPs in order to provide a detailed explanation on the TPPA including and especially on the \u2018hot button\u2019 issues such as the price of medicines, intellectual property and government procurement. Although not all of the answers and explanations which were given by the Ministry were accepted by the MPs who attended the sessions, this is a good benchmark set by the Minister and should be followed by other Ministers and Ministries, especially when important policies and laws are being tabled.<\/p>\n<p>3.\tIn making any decision to support or reject any government policy, we as MPs, should evaluate the policy objectively and rationally. We should not reject any policy based on grounds which are unreasonable or reasoning which is baseless. For example, we should not reject the TPPA based on the reason that we do not want to be dominated by the United States. In reality, what is needed is for us to strengthen our trading relationship with all of our major trading partners. Some of these trading partners are involving in the TPPA negotiations including Singapore (our no.1 export market), the United States (no. 3), Japan (no.4) and Australia (no.9). Some of the countries are not involved in the TPPA negotiations such as China (no.3) and Indian (no.7) but are part of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) discussions.<\/p>\n<p>4.\tWe should also not make any statements that some parties support or reject the TPPA due to the interests of only one race or one group. Such accusations are baseless and should be rejected in no uncertain terms.<\/p>\n<p>5.\tWhat is needed is an objective evaluation of the costs and benefits for Malaysia in joining the TPPA, RCEP and other free trade agreements (FTAs) which are being negotiated by Malaysia.<\/p>\n<p>6.\tIn this context, I want to bring up a few important issues regarding the TPPA which have not been credibly handled by the Minister or his Minister, especially from the standpoint of concrete policy proposals.<\/p>\n<p>7.\tThe first issue which I want to raise is the impact of the TPPA towards small and medium enterprises (SMEs).<\/p>\n<p>8.\tEven though the cost benefit analysis conducted by PwC shows the potential positive impact to the SME sector as a result of the opening of new markets, there is a high possibility that these positive impacts would be enjoyed mostly by SMEs which are already export oriented. These companies are mostly on the larger end of the SME spectrum. For the smaller scale SMEs, most of them would not benefit from the TPPA and in fact, there is a high possibility that they would experience a reduction in business as a result of greater international competition.<\/p>\n<p>9.\tBased on a study done by the Penang Institute, small companies in Malaysia on the whole are smaller, have lower leverage levels, are valued lower in the stock market (for those which are listed) and are involved in sectors which are less profitable. One can say that these companies are not as likely to be able to compete and benefit from the TPPA compared to the GLCs and also the larger non-GLCs.<\/p>\n<p>10.\tAccording to Michael Kang, the President of the Malaysian SME Association, 30 percent of the 195,000 SMEs in Malaysia \u201cwill disappear\u201d after the implementation of the TPPA.  The concerns of these SMEs are valid especially for those whose main exports are not the United States, Canada, Mexcio and Peru, four markets which will be opened as a result of the TPPA.<\/p>\n<p>11.\tThe government cannot deny that there still exists a large credibility gap between itself and the small scale SMEs. The implementation of the GST provides a good illustration. Before the implementation of the GST in April 2015, the government through the Customs Department gave the assurance to SMEs and other small businesses that their GST refunds would be returned to them within 2 months. But up to know, I\u2019ve been told that these SMEs still have to wait for months before these refunds are returned to them. The negative impact from a cash flow restriction perspective will be more greatly felt by the smaller scale SMEs which don\u2019t have as much cash reserves as the bigger SMEs. <\/p>\n<p>12.\tThe government needs to give assistance to SMEs which will be negatively affected by TPPA. Financial as well as technical assistance needs to be provided to the smaller scale SMEs to prepare them to face the competition which will be unleashed by the TPPA. But up to this day, we have not heard any concrete proposals announced by MITI or other ministries to help the affected SMEs to face the challenges associated with the TPPA. If the government does not have any mitigation measures which are well thought out, well targeted and systematic, how can the SMEs trust the promise given by the government that the TPPA will bring about positive benefits to them? This is the first issue which needs to be addressed by the Minister.<\/p>\n<p>13.\tThe second issue which I want to raise is in regards to the Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) which may involve state governments. Even though the Ministry has given assurances that the TPPA text will limit frivolous lawsuits from being brought to the International Tribunal against countries, there is no guarantee that ISDS cases which involve state governments will not be brought to such tribunals.<\/p>\n<p>14.\tI refer to the following cases in Canada involving state governments which are brought to international tribunals via the ISDS provisions that are found in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).<\/p>\n<p>15.\tThe first example:<br \/>\n\u201cChemical giant Dow AgroSciences used NAFTA to force the province of Quebec, after it banned 2,4-D, a pesticide that the Natural Resources Defence Council says has been linked in many studies to cancer and cell damage, to publicly acknowledge that the chemical does not pose an \u201cunacceptable risk\u201d to human health, a position the government had previously held.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>16.\tThe second example:<br \/>\n\u201cMesa Power Group, an energy company owned by Texas billionaire T. Boone Pickens, is claiming $775 million (approximately \u20ac523 million) in a challenge to the province of Ontario\u2019s Green Energy Act, which gives preferential access to local wind farm operators.\u201d <\/p>\n<p>17.\tThese examples show that not only can the national \/ federal governments be brought to international tribunals but so can state governments. This is very worrisome because of the limited funds and expertise on the part of the state governments especially compared to the federal government. The cases in the International Tribunals are very costly because the legal expertise for such cases comes from legal firms which are based in the United States and which charge high fees. As an example, the case involving plain cigarette packing in Australia, although was won by the Australian government, cost an estimated AUS$50 million. <\/p>\n<p>18.\tTo give another example,  can the federal government guarantee that the Pahang state government won\u2019t be dragged to an International Tribunal by Lynas if the state government, through the Kuantan Municipal Council, makes the decision not to renew the local operating license of Lynas as a result of pollution violations? In addition, if such cases involving the state governments of Penang, Selangor or Kelantan occur, which are all opposition controlled states, will the federal government provide the necessary financial and technical assistance to these state governments to fight these cases in international tribunals?<\/p>\n<p>19.\tFor now, I have not obtained any assurances or guarantees from the federal government.<\/p>\n<p>20.\tThe third issue involves government procurement from the perspective of transparency. One of the supposed benefits of the TPPA which has been announced by the Ministry and which is one of the chapters in the TPPA text is transparency and anti-corruption especially in dealing with government procurement (GP).<\/p>\n<p>21.\tBut sadly and tragically, the Malaysian government successfully negotiated for an \u2018opt out\u2019 clause in the government procurement chapter for Public Private Partnerships (PPP). This means that the practice of direct negotiations under the PPP will continue even after the TPPA has been implemented. It has been proven that under the BN government, PPPs have been used and abused in order to provide supernormal profits to cronies and have put financial burdens on the people of Malaysia. The attractive contracts to provide electicity to Tenaga (TNB) via Independent Power Plants (IPPs); the concession contracts to build and operate toll highways which allow the concession holder to unreasonably increase the toll rates; the contracts to build and operate hostels in the public institutions of higher learning which charge high rates to students; these are all examples of how PPP contracts are awarded in ways which are not transparent and which brings about huge negative impacts on the economy of as well as on the people in the country. The federal government has lost a golden opportunity to use the TPPA as part of the process to improve the transparency of government procurement by getting rid of PPPs. This is one of the main reasons why we in the opposition cannot support the TPPA.<\/p>\n<p>22.\tOther issues such as the cost of medicines, intellectual property, environment issues and labour rights will be raised by my colleagues on the opposition bench and hopefully by some of those in the government bench as well.<\/p>\n<p>23.\tGiven that the issues which have brought up have not been adequately explained and handled by the government, we in the DAP and also in Pakatan Harapan reject the TPPA with one voice.<\/p>\n<p>&#8212;-Mandarin Version &#8212;<br \/>\n\u6c11\u4e3b\u884c\u52a8\u515a\u79d8\u4e66\u957f\u517c\u5cc7\u773c\u533a\u56fd\u4f1a\u8bae\u5458\u6797\u51a0\u82f1\u4e8e2016\u5e741\u670826\u65e5\u5728\u56fd\u4f1a\u7279\u522b\u4f1a\u8bae\u8fa9\u8bba\u8de8\u592a\u534f\u5b9a\u5185\u5bb9\u6458\u8981\uff1a<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u8de8\u592a\u5e73\u6d0b\u4f19\u4f34\u5408\u4f5c\u534f\u5b9a\u6709\u5229\u4e5f\u6709\u5f0a\uff0c\u4f46\u662f\uff0c\u53ea\u8981\u56fd\u9635\u4e00\u671d\u6ca1\u6709\u5151\u73b0\u627f\u8bfa\uff0c\u5373\u5b9e\u884c\u6d88\u8d39\u7a0e\u4e4b\u540e\u7269\u4ef7\u5c06\u4f1a\u4e0b\u964d\uff0c3\u5343\u4e07\u4eba\u6c11\u5c06\u5982\u4f55\u53d6\u4fe1\u4e8e\u653f\u5e9c\u8de8\u592a\u534f\u5b9a\u5c06\u4f1a\u7ed9\u4eba\u6c11\u5e26\u6765\u597d\u5904\uff1f<\/strong><br 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Setiausaha-Agung DAP Dan Ahli Parlimen Bagan Lim Guan Eng dalam perbahasan khas sidang parlimen untuk Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement(TPPA) Pada 26 Januari 2016. 1. Terlebih dahulu, saya mahu mengambil kesempatan ini untuk mengucapkan terima kasih dan tahniah kepada Menteri Perdagangan Antarabangsa dan Industria, YB Jeli untuk mengaturkan persidangan khas Parlimen untuk perbahasan tentang penyertaan Malaysia &hellip;<\/p>\n<p class=\"read-more\"> <a class=\"\" href=\"https:\/\/limguaneng.com\/index.php\/2016\/01\/27\/tppa-ada-baik-buruknya-tetapi-selagi-bn-tidak-dapat-tunaikan-janji-bahawa-gst-akan-bawa-kebaikan-dengan-menurunkan-kadar-harga-barangan-macam-mana-30-juta-rakyat-malaysia-boleh-diyakinkan-bahawa-tpp\/\"> <span class=\"screen-reader-text\">TPPA Ada Baik Buruknya, Tetapi Selagi BN Tidak Dapat Tunaikan Janji Bahawa GST Akan Bawa Kebaikan Dengan Menurunkan Kadar Harga Barangan, Macam Mana 30 Juta Rakyat Malaysia Boleh Diyakinkan Bahawa TPPA Menguntungkan Mereka?(m\/e\/c)<\/span> Read More &raquo;<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/limguaneng.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4960"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/limguaneng.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/limguaneng.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/limguaneng.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/limguaneng.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4960"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/limguaneng.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4960\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4961,"href":"https:\/\/limguaneng.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4960\/revisions\/4961"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/limguaneng.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4960"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/limguaneng.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4960"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/limguaneng.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4960"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}